Foreword
pp. x-xx
pp. x-xx
This page is under construction.
This page is under construction.
Marcos Lies is a compilation of thirty-one research essays that discuss in detail the various lies that the Marcoses have either concocted or have done nothing to stifle, lies that aided them in pursuit of power and plunder. This book shows how the lies were crafted, who enabled the Marcoses to foster their falsity on their targeted audience or those who knew the truth but have chosen to be silent. Each chapter gives details on how institutions and individuals were corrupted by the Marcoses to ensure that the lies they have made would not easily unravel. If corruption fails, the Marcoses of the martial law years have no qualms in resorting to censorship and the silencing of contrary and critical voices. During the martial law years, the Marcoses had at their disposal the whole state apparatus for propaganda, ensuring that a Marcos lie would not only remain valorized and unchallenged but that it would be repeated in all mediums and avenues used for the dissemination of state information. Their lies were then documented. To prove the lies, the authors have relied on documentary sources, much of which remains untapped, ranging from recently digitized records in the custody of the Presidential Commission on Good Government to the mountain of Marcos apologia produced by the National Media Production Center during the 1970s up to the 1980s. Many of these underutilized sources have been digitized and have long been made freely available online by their custodians. Without access to university resources during the pandemic, the authors revisited these online archives for news reports and diplomatic cables, transcript of congressional investigations, and various fragments of data that when put together offer a clear view of the truth that the Marcoses have either hidden or twisted. A disproportionate amount of recent studies have focused more on the utilization of deception to help the Marcoses reclaim Malacanang than on their deceptiveness during the rule of Marcos Sr. This is also, unavoidably, among the concerns of this book. But in the writing of the articles comprising this volume, after being similarly animated by the fact-checking ethos of those in the media, the authors’ tendency has been to ask, “How far does this lie go? And for whom was the lie made?”
Joel F. Ariate Jr., Miguel Paolo P. Reyes, and Larah Vinda Del Mundo
Table of Contents
Front Matter (pp. i-iv)
Table of Contents (pp. v-vi)
List of Figures (pp. vii-x)
Foreword (pp. xi-xii)
Preface (pp. xiii-xiv)
Acknowledgements (pp. xv)
Introduction (pp. 1-5)
Sample Chapter | Why Imee Marcos Is Not a Graduate of the UP College of Law (pp.151-153)
In September 2018, Did a Marcos Lie Today? (DAMLT) went live online on Twitter and on Facebook. DAMLT, self-classified as an education website, is an effort by the Third World Studies Center’s Marcos Regime Research group to tell the truth about the Marcoses. Since the accounts became active, the social media accounts have been uploading material from various sources—including, but not limited to, declassified communications and assessments from the United States Department of State, studies by international financial institutions such as the World Bank, recently digitized records on Philippine guerillas (fake and genuine) from the United States National Archives, and recently accessible digitized versions of documents taken from Malacanang after the EDSA Revolution—to counter the lies that the Marcoses and their sycophantic followers kept regurgitating online or through mass media. The documents are at times uploaded unadorned, but were often incorporated into videos or transformed into memes—i.e., made palatable to the social media consumer. Or public history for those who have to navigate through tons of online clutter.
The project set out to examine the relationship of pro-Marcos disinformation disseminated online, the printed propaganda that preceded such disinformation, and, to a limited extent, the distorted memorialization of Ferdinand E. Marcos via physical museums and monuments. Our attempt to study these linkages started with gathering online disinformation in favor of the Marcoses as debunked by online fact checkers. Over a hundred distinct lies were gathered and entered into a database-in-progress. Concurrently, an attempt was made to understand the interconnections among those involved in the production of printed propaganda in favor of the Marcoses, with the intent of establishing links, if any, between “offline” and “online” propagandists. Network maps of these individuals/groups were constructed.
We found that 1) the heritage sites that the Marcoses built for their late patriarch in Ilocos Norte are built on propaganda books extolling Ferdinand Marcos’s greatness and that of his dictatorial regime; 2) the Marcoses, their loyalists, and other allies have been producing and reproducing propaganda all these years, with the intended effect of conferring a patina of well-researched scholarship to Marcos lies; 3) the verbiage produced by the pro-Marcos authors has a limited but important influence on the new forms of disinformation that pro-Marcos sites in social media are producing; and 4) the weak link between the current online disinformation and the supposed scholarly, or at the very least, journalistic reiteration of “Marcos truths” points to an important feature of Marcos propaganda production: the point is not to build on an existing lie or an outlandish claim but to saturate the audience with all sorts of information up to a point that the propaganda effort appears to be without an author, that the algorithm of the social media networks geared towards the new and the ridiculous hides the hands of the Marcoses themselves.
The study aims to definitively determine whether the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos profited from his involvement in the 1956 Reparations Agreement between Japan and the Philippines. The explores a bilateral anatomy of plunder—of how the Philippine dictator and his cronies, Japanese businessmen, and politicians colluded to loot Japanese war reparations—by revisiting the literature on kleptocracy, Marcos’s authoritarian rule, and issues of the reparations agreement, examining old and new sources that have recently become available (e.g., Philippine Reparations Commission reports, newspaper clippings, files from the Presidential Commission on Good Government, and declassified US intelligence reports), and consulting Filipino and Japanese scholars who previously worked on these subjects. Existing studies on Marcos and the reparations agreement did not reckon with the sources of information that this proposed research would like to examine, sources that will help untangle the complexities that the reparations agreement caused on both Japan and the Philippines.
Rosette, Judith Camille E. and Miguel Paolo P. Reyes. 2022. “Dodged Bullet or Missed Opportunity? A History of Planned Monorails for Manila, 1961–1985.” Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints 70(1): 4-43. https://doi.org/10.13185/ps2022.70102 .
Masangkay, Christian Victor A. and Larah Vinda B. Del Mundo. 2016 [published 2020]. “Where to Bury Marcos? Dead Body Politics in the Marcos Playbook.” Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies. https://www.journals.upd.edu.ph/index.php/kasarinlan/article/view/7264/6327.
Reyes, Miguel Paolo P. 2018. “Producing Ferdinand E. Marcos, the Scholarly Author.” Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints 66(2): 173-218. https://doi.org/10.1353/phs.2018.0017.
Atty. Edre Olalia (NUPL), Fides Lim (Kapatid), Fr. Benjamin Alforque, Jonathan de Santos (NUJP), and TWSC’s Joel Ariate discusses the human rights situation and prospects under the newly-seated Marcos administration. Organized by Move.PH, Karapatan, and the Ecumenical Voice for Peace and Human Rights in the Philippines, the webinar was streamed days ahead of the first Tate of the Nation Address of Ferdinand Marcos Jr.
Reyes discussed online pro-Marcos historical distortion from around the early 2000s to Facebook at the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission’s online conference “The Martial Law Dialogues – Perceptions and Engagement with Post-EDSA Generations” held on February 24, 2022. In his talk, he attempted to answer these two questions:
Joel F. Ariate Jr. and Miguel Paolo Reyes presented the findings of the Marcos Regime Research group in the online conference “Where’s the Lie: Research Findings on Disinformation,” held online on December 9. 2020. The 3rd National Conference on Democracy and Disinformation was held virtually on February 22, 24, and 26 (the presentation was broadcast on February 24).
Ariate and Reyes presented the findings of the UP Third World Studies Center’s Marcos Regime Research project The “Marcos Truths”: A Genealogy of Historical Distortions in the Rappler program On the Campaign Trail with John Nery: The Mechanics of pro-Marcos Disinfo. Ariate and Reyes are joined by communications professor Cheryll Ruth Soriano, who is also a part of the Consortium for Democracy and Disinformation. Streamed on December 15, 2021, Nery asked: How do Marcos disinformation campaigns work? And how will they impact the 2022 elections?
Ed Lingao, Atty. Chel Diokno, Director Joel Lamangan, Kiri Dalena, and TWSC’s Miguel Paolo Reyes talks about the continuing violence, plunder, and divisiveness in Philippine politics in the online conference “Reality Check: Martial Law, Never again” streamed on September 19, 2020. The event was organized by Daang Dokyu in cooperation with Concerned Artists of the Philippines and Directos’ Guild of the Philippines.
Joel F. Ariate Jr. Miguel Paolo P. Reyes, Larah Vinda Del Mundo, and Judith Camille Rosette presented their papers in the panel “Interrogating Historical Revisionism and the Marcos Regime: New Sources on Age-Old Lies” at the 2019 National Conference of the Philippine Historical Association held on September 19-21, 2019 held in NISMED, UP Diliman.